Ενα απο τα πρώτα άρθρα για την άνοδο της Χρυσής Αυγής στον Ξένο Τύπο και ένα απο τα καλύτερα μέχρι τώρα. Εκτενές απόσπασμα μεταφρασμένο στα ελληνικά και το πλήρες αγγλικό κείμενο.
Golden Dawn and the rise of fascism
Fascists didn't suddenly multiply in Greece – their ideas gradually permeated public consciousness. They will elsewhere, too
The electoral take-off of Golden Dawn took Greece by surprise. In the space of a few months it passed from insignificance to almost 7% of the national vote, a percentage it maintained at the June elections, when the voters had been properly apprised of its neo-Nazi character. This party now has a rather even geographical spread and sex distribution, slightly higher among men and in rightwing areas, and also a definite social basis – mainly small proprietors, unemployed, members of the security forces, plus the criminal underworld.
The rise of fascism also owes a lot to mainstream media. Effectively unregulated by the state and owned by a few small Berlusconis, Greek television channels have for decades been cultivating chauvinism, racism, sexism and anti-immigrant hate. Now they habitually present Golden Dawn cadres as normal people, explore their lighter side and even turn them into lifestyle icons or tele-celebrities. They rarely discuss the violent crimes for which many of these people have been accused or convicted.
Most worrying is the ease with which conservatives justify fascist actions. The recent violent attack by Ilias Kasidiaris, a Golden Dawn deputy, on two leftwing women deputies, broadcast live on national television, was hailed by many on the right, and proved a vote-winner. The chief of New Democracy for northern Greece promptly declared that his party and Golden Dawn were "sister organisations", without provoking any criticism among his colleagues. Privileged strata and traditional politicians increasingly see the cultivation of a fascist mass movement as a legitimate reply to the advance of the left. In conditions of social dislocation and economic freefall, this may have explosive consequences.
The left grievously underestimated this threat all these years, hoping that it would evaporate by itself. Its leadership still has no strategy to counter the spread of fascism. Syriza until recently took democratic normality for granted, while the Communist party seems determined to repeat all the blunders of the German communists that brought Hitler to power.
Both parties refused to mobilise when Golden Dawn, with the support of the police, created a fief in a central Athens neighbourhood. Years of insouciance, in which thousands of attacks against immigrants provoked few reactions, led to deputies being beaten in front of the cameras. And even then, they refused to call for mass mobilisation against the thugs. The perceived moral of the story was that when fascists strike the left leadership, the latter shows a most Christian meekness. This instils little enthusiasm in the rank-and-file, and even less self-respect.
Hope comes mainly from the reaction of civil society. In recent weeks local anti-fascist fronts have sprung up from below in many places, with scant support from the official left. Mass anti-Nazi rallies, mobilising many thousands of people, shook the principal cities of Greece. There is even talk of self-defence groups, comprising locals and immigrants, that will fight Golden Dawn in the streets and provide to all the security that the state now offers to few.
The fascist advance in troika-dominated Greece was predicted by analysts. The factors that fuelled it exist in other societies too. In eurozone countries falling victim to the debt crisis, fascism will return to the fore. It has dynamics weaker than in the 1930s, but it is dangerous again. European elites have been playing with fire for too long. Germany's chancellor, Angela Merkel, succeeded where the Führer himself had failed, in creating a Nazi party in Greece. Similar feats will require less effort in other countries.
Δευτέρα, 2 Ιουλίου 2012
Guardian Εξαιρετικό άρθρο για την χρυσή αυγή
Χρυσή Αυγή και η άνοδος του φασισμού
Οι φασίστες δεν πολλαπλασιάζονται ξαφνικά στην Ελλάδα – οι ιδέες
τους εχουν διεισδύσει σταδιακά στην συνείδηση του
κοινού.
Η Χρυση Αυγη έχει τώρα μια μάλλον ισορροπημένη γεωγραφική
κατανομή και κατανομη ως προς τα φυλα , ελαφρώς υψηλότερα μεταξύ των ανδρών και
κυριως των δεξιών περιοχων, αλλά και μια σαφή κοινωνική βάση - κυρίως μικρών ιδιοκτητών,
άνεργοι, μέλη των δυνάμεων ασφαλείας, καθώς και τον εγκληματικό υπόκοσμο.
Αν μη τι άλλο, η Ελλάδα ήταν, μαζί με τη Βρετανία, μια από
τις πολύ λίγες χώρες που δεν ανεπτυξαν κανενα μαζικο φασιστικό κίνημα πριν από
το δεύτερο παγκόσμιο πόλεμο
Οι φασίστες δεν πολλαπλασιάζονται ξαφνικά στην Ελλάδα. Αντίθετα,
οι ακροδεξιες ιδέες εχουν διεισδύσει σταδιακά στην συνείδηση του κοινού, και έγιναν
mainstream τα τελευταία 20 χρόνια.
Οι μετανάστες πρώτα αναθεματίστηκαν από το ίδιο το κράτος. Τους
φυλακισαν και τα δικαιώματά τους ακυρώθηκαν στην πράξη. Οι γραφειοκράτες απέτυχαν
να επιβάλλουν μια προστατευτική εργατική νομοθεσία.
Η αστυνομία και το δικαστικό σώμα δεν κατεδιωξαν τους φασιστες
στο πλαίσιο της ισχύουσας νομοθεσίας, η οποία είναι περισσότερο ή λιγότερο
επαρκης και δεν τιμωρησαν τις ρατσιστικες επιθέσεις, τον αντισημιτισμο και την
διάδοση του μίσους, όλα σήματα κατατεθεντα της Χρυσής Αυγής.
Η άνοδος του φασισμού οφείλει επίσης πολλά στην την
ενσωμάτωση του στα μέσα ενημέρωσης. Ουσιαστικά δεν ρυθμίζονται από το κράτος και
κατεχονται από λίγους μικρούς Berlusconis, τα ελληνική τηλεοπτικά κανάλια έχουν
εδώ και δεκαετίες καλλιεργησει τον σοβινισμό, τον ρατσισμό, τον σεξισμό το μίσος
κατά των μεταναστών.
Τώρα παρουσιάζουν συνήθως τα στελεχη της Χρυσής Αυγής ως κανονικους
άνθρωπους, δειχνουν την πιο ελαφρα πλευρά τους, ακόμη και τους μετατρέπουν σε εικονα
λαιφσταιλ ή τηλε-προσωπικότητες. Συζητούν σπάνια για τα βίαια εγκλήματα για τα
οποία πολλοί από αυτούς τους ανθρώπους έχουν κατηγορηθεί ή καταδικαστεί.
Περισσότερο ανησυχητική είναι η ευκολία με την οποία οι
συντηρητικοί δικαιολογουν τις φασιστικές ενέργειες. Η πρόσφατη βίαιη επίθεση από
τον Κασιδιάρη, χαιρετηθηκε από πολλόυς στην δεξιά και αποδείχθηκε ότι έφερε
ψήφους.
Ο επικεφαλής της Νέας Δημοκρατίας για τη Βόρεια Ελλάδα αμέσως
δήλωσε ότι το κόμμα του και η Χρυσή Αυγή ήταν "αδελφές οργανώσεις", χωρίς
να προκαλέσει οποιαδήποτε κριτική μεταξύ των συναδέλφων του.
Τα προνομιακα στρώματα και οι παραδοσιακοί πολιτικοι βλεπουν
όλο και περισσότερο την καλλιέργεια ενος φασιστικου μαζικού κινήματος ως νόμιμη
απάντηση στην ανοδο της αριστεράς. Σε συνθήκες κοινωνικής και οικονομικής αποδιάρθρωσης,
αυτό μπορεί να έχει εκρηκτικές συνέπειες.
Η αριστερά υποτιμαει οικτρά αυτή την απειλή όλα αυτά τα
χρόνια, ελπίζοντας ότι θα εξατμιστεί από μόνη της. Η ηγεσία της δεν έχει ακόμα
καμία στρατηγική για την αντιμετώπιση της εξάπλωσης του φασισμού. Ο ΣΥΡΙΖΑ μέχρι
πρόσφατα ειχε τη δημοκρατική ομαλότητα δεδομένη, ενώ το Κομμουνιστικό Κόμμα φαίνεται
αποφασισμένο να επαναλάβει όλα τα λάθη των γερμανών κομμουνιστών, που έφεραν τον
Χίτλερ στην εξουσία.
Και τα δυο κομματα αρνήθηκαν να κινητοποιηθουν όταν η Χρυσή
Αυγή, με την υποστήριξη της αστυνομίας, δημιούργησε ένα φέουδο σε κεντρική γειτονιά
της Αθήνας. Περασαν χρόνια «ξεγνοιασιάς», στα οποία χιλιάδες επιθέσεις εναντίον
των μεταναστών προκάλεσαν ελαχιστες αντιδράσεις, οδήγησαν ακομη και βουλευτές
να χτυπηθουν μπροστά στις κάμερες. Και ακόμα και τότε, αρνήθηκαν να καλέσουν για
μαζική κινητοποίηση ενάντια στους τραμπούκους. Το ηθικό δίδαγμα της ιστορίας ειναι
ότι, όταν οι φασίστες χτυπουν την ηγεσια της αριστερας, η τελευταία δειχνει μια
χριστιανική πραότητα.
Ο Φασισμος εχει δυναμική ασθενέστερη από ό, τι στη δεκαετία
του 1930, αλλά είναι επικίνδυνος και πάλι. Οι ευρωπαϊκές ελίτ έχουν παίξει με
τη φωτιά για πάρα πολύ καιρό.Η Καγκελάριος
της Γερμανίας, Άνγκελα Μέρκελ,πέτυχε αυτό που ο ίδιος ο Φύρερ είχε αποτύχει, στη
δημιουργία ενός ναζιστικού κόμματος στην Ελλάδα.
Παρόμοια κατορθώματα, θα απαιτούν λιγότερη προσπάθεια και σε
άλλες χώρες.
Αντιπληθωριστικη οικονομικη πολιτικη που αναμιγνύεται με μια
ανεκτικη κατάσταση των φασιστικών ενεργειών, ένα πλεγμα από συμπαθοντα μέσα
ενημέρωσης, μια δεξια που χρειάζεται συμμάχους στους δρόμους και μια κοιμισμένη
αριστερά είναι μια συνταγή για καταστροφή.
Τα αδέλφια της Χρυσής Αυγής θα περιπολούν στο Μπολζάνο η’ στο Μπέρμιγχαμ νωρίτερα από ό, τι φανταζόμαστε.
Μετάφραση-Απόδοση: LEFTeria-news
ΔΙΑΒΑΣΤΕ ΑΚΟΜΗ
ΔΙΑΒΑΣΤΕ ΑΚΟΜΗ
Χρυσή Αυγή. Αρχείο Αναρτήσεων & Αρχείο Δημοσιευμάτων
Ξένου Τύπου 2012-2013
Golden Dawn and the rise of fascism
Fascists didn't suddenly multiply in Greece – their ideas gradually permeated public consciousness. They will elsewhere, too
Spyros
Marchetos
guardian.co.uk,
Tuesday 19 June 2012
The electoral take-off of Golden Dawn took Greece by surprise. In the space of a few months it passed from insignificance to almost 7% of the national vote, a percentage it maintained at the June elections, when the voters had been properly apprised of its neo-Nazi character. This party now has a rather even geographical spread and sex distribution, slightly higher among men and in rightwing areas, and also a definite social basis – mainly small proprietors, unemployed, members of the security forces, plus the criminal underworld.
Where did Golden Dawn come from? Is it a national phenomenon or does it portend
a European trend? Could similar parties rise in other societies ravaged by the
economic crisis? Certainly, it cannot be blamed on any "national"
characteristics; If anything, Greece was, together with Britain, one of the
very few countries that did not develop any mass fascist movement before the
second world war.
Fascists did not suddenly multiply in Greece. Rather, extreme right ideas and
values gradually permeated public consciousness, and became mainstream in the
last 20 years. Then the troika (of the European commission, European Central
Bank and the IMF) imposed measures of violent pauperisation, and even created
widespread perceptions of decay and victimisation, and feelings of national
persecution and humiliation. All these, as the US historian Robert Paxton
argues in his magisterial Anatomy of Fascism, help fascism rise.
Finally, when
the crisis stole the clientelist appeal of the ruling parties, many of their
voters turned towards those who professed openly what traditional politicians
only implied.
Golden Dawn appeared on the electoral radar in November 2011, when all the other forces of the right participated in the unelected, and unloved, government of a banker, Lucas Papademos. It projected an anti-systemic image, but actually its objectives and practices were in harmony with those of powerful Greek institutions. For example, immigrants were first demonised by the state itself. They were interned, and their rights were cancelled in practice. Bureaucrats failed to enforce protective labour legislation. The police and the judiciary do not prosecute fascists under existing laws, which are more or less adequate, and don't penalise racial attacks, antisemitism and spreading of hate, all trademarks of Golden Dawn.
Golden Dawn appeared on the electoral radar in November 2011, when all the other forces of the right participated in the unelected, and unloved, government of a banker, Lucas Papademos. It projected an anti-systemic image, but actually its objectives and practices were in harmony with those of powerful Greek institutions. For example, immigrants were first demonised by the state itself. They were interned, and their rights were cancelled in practice. Bureaucrats failed to enforce protective labour legislation. The police and the judiciary do not prosecute fascists under existing laws, which are more or less adequate, and don't penalise racial attacks, antisemitism and spreading of hate, all trademarks of Golden Dawn.
The rise of fascism also owes a lot to mainstream media. Effectively unregulated by the state and owned by a few small Berlusconis, Greek television channels have for decades been cultivating chauvinism, racism, sexism and anti-immigrant hate. Now they habitually present Golden Dawn cadres as normal people, explore their lighter side and even turn them into lifestyle icons or tele-celebrities. They rarely discuss the violent crimes for which many of these people have been accused or convicted.
Most worrying is the ease with which conservatives justify fascist actions. The recent violent attack by Ilias Kasidiaris, a Golden Dawn deputy, on two leftwing women deputies, broadcast live on national television, was hailed by many on the right, and proved a vote-winner. The chief of New Democracy for northern Greece promptly declared that his party and Golden Dawn were "sister organisations", without provoking any criticism among his colleagues. Privileged strata and traditional politicians increasingly see the cultivation of a fascist mass movement as a legitimate reply to the advance of the left. In conditions of social dislocation and economic freefall, this may have explosive consequences.
The left grievously underestimated this threat all these years, hoping that it would evaporate by itself. Its leadership still has no strategy to counter the spread of fascism. Syriza until recently took democratic normality for granted, while the Communist party seems determined to repeat all the blunders of the German communists that brought Hitler to power.
Both parties refused to mobilise when Golden Dawn, with the support of the police, created a fief in a central Athens neighbourhood. Years of insouciance, in which thousands of attacks against immigrants provoked few reactions, led to deputies being beaten in front of the cameras. And even then, they refused to call for mass mobilisation against the thugs. The perceived moral of the story was that when fascists strike the left leadership, the latter shows a most Christian meekness. This instils little enthusiasm in the rank-and-file, and even less self-respect.
Hope comes mainly from the reaction of civil society. In recent weeks local anti-fascist fronts have sprung up from below in many places, with scant support from the official left. Mass anti-Nazi rallies, mobilising many thousands of people, shook the principal cities of Greece. There is even talk of self-defence groups, comprising locals and immigrants, that will fight Golden Dawn in the streets and provide to all the security that the state now offers to few.
The fascist advance in troika-dominated Greece was predicted by analysts. The factors that fuelled it exist in other societies too. In eurozone countries falling victim to the debt crisis, fascism will return to the fore. It has dynamics weaker than in the 1930s, but it is dangerous again. European elites have been playing with fire for too long. Germany's chancellor, Angela Merkel, succeeded where the Führer himself had failed, in creating a Nazi party in Greece. Similar feats will require less effort in other countries.
Deflationary economic policies mixed with a state tolerant of fascist actions,
a sympathetic media, a right that needs allies in the streets and a dormant
left are a recipe for disaster. Siblings of Golden Dawn may patrol Bolzano or Birmingham
earlier than we imagine.
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