Δευτέρα, 28 Μαΐου 2012

The Washington Post εκτενες αποσπασμα απο το σημερινο editorial Keeping Greece in the euro zone

Παιρνει την καθαρη αμερικανικη θεση,βρειτε τα,για να μην βγει η Ελλαδα γιατι θα καταρρευσει το συμπαν.Δεν χρησιμοποιει ομως το επιχειρημα αλλων αμερικανικων εφημεριδων,οτι λογω των επικειμενων αμερικανικων εκλογων,ο Ομπαμα δεν θα ηθελε να διαχειριστει ταυτοχρονα παγκοσμια κριση,τραπεζικη αμερικανικη κριση και προεκλογικο αγωνα. Εξαλλου,στα οικονομικα οι Αμερικανοι (βλακωδως) εμπιστευονται λιγοτερο Δημοκρατικους. Οποτε σε μια τετοια περιπτωση,η Κυβερνηση Ομπαμα θα κινδυνεψει να χασει.

Ενας λογος ισως ειναι οτι η Washington Post ειναι η εφημεριδα που,συνηθως,εκφραζει Ρεπουμπλικανικες αποψεις,

Φοβαται οτι θα στραφουμε στους Ρωσους,ειδικα μετα τα τελευταια δημοσιευνατα στα ρωσικα ΜΜΕ,καθως σαν εγκυρη, συντηρητικη ομως εφημεριδα μιλαει για το παραδειγμα Βενεζουελας-Αργεντινης στην Ευρωπη και τον φοβο οτι αν ανοιξει η πορτα της ευρωζωνης,μετα δεν θα κλεινει.

 

 

The Post’s View

Keeping Greece in the euro zone


By Editorial Board, Tuesday, May 29,

THESE ARE TENSE times for the global economy. China seems headed for at least a mild downshifting in its previously hectic growth. Brazil’s central bank says that country’s economy contracted in the first quarter of 2012. Bond-rating agencies have just marked down Japan’s debt. The United States, though relatively strong compared to other industrial countries, has just notched a decline in business orders for capital goods. And in Europe, where a recession is underway, worse could be in the offing because of the threat that Greece will end its membership in the common currency, the euro.
In hindsight, Greece’s looming insolvency confirms the wisdom of those who warned that yoking an inefficient Balkan economy to the German powerhouse was a prescription for disaster. Indeed, the entire common currency now looks like a bridge too far for the otherwise laudable project of European integration.

But those bells cannot be unrung. If Greece can be maintained within the euro at an acceptable cost, financial and political, it should be. The downside of a “Grexit,” as the possible reintroduction of the drachma has come to be known, includes deeper recession and spreading financial instability throughout Europe — and the world. After a Grexit, Greece itself could be plunged into poverty and institutional chaos that overwhelm what’s left of its corrupt and fragile state. Over time, a devalued currency could help Greece recover its competitiveness and grow, even as it remained shut out of financial markets. But in the meanwhile, Greek politics could take a turn down the same populist road that countries such as Argentina and Venezuela have recently traveled. The temptation for the Greeks to seek aid from Moscow, and for the Russians to oblige them in return for a cheap toehold in Europe, could prove impossible to resist.
Greece would remain in the European Union, but the federation as well as the currency could be grievously wounded. Spain, Portugal and Italy might have to fight off bank runs and speculation that they would be next to abandon the euro. Countries on the way to E.U. membership and the stabilizing influence it offers, including other Balkan states, could retreat. Serbia’s voters already installed a euro-skeptic as president this month. Hungary’s government is tilting toward populism and autocracy; in a weakening union, others could follow suit.
This potential nightmare is why all parties, from the Greek electorate to Europe’s paymasters in Berlin, insist that they want to keep Greece in the euro. Where Europeans differ is on the terms under which that must occur. The leftist party at the top of the polls heading into Greece’s June 17 election, Syriza, declares that the country must repudiate the “barbaric” austerity package it had previously agreed to in return for European and International Monetary Fund bailout money. Syriza’s unspoken assumption is that Germany will offer easier terms rather than risk a Greek collapse.

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